"Russian analysts have two universal, never-failing, although inconsistent explanations – the machinations of fascists and the intrigues of the State Department/CIA/world behind-the-scenes. Since it is 'behind-the-scenes,' what can you ask of it, because nothing is known about it anyway, up to the very fact of its existence. It was these explanations that were laid at the basis of the assessments of the 'Right Sector' (fascism) and that unconditional national upsurge in Ukraine, for which the Maidan (world behind-the-scenes) was only the beginning. In parallel, notes went to the AP about how the people of Crimea want to join the RF, how they fear Ukrainization, the ban on the Russian language and the displacement of Orthodoxy by Uniatism...

The institute, although in deep secret, took a direct part in the projects 'Slavic Guard,' 'Russian Sector' and 'Russian Vector.' In the spring, the tone of the correspondence sent to the addressees becomes more and more bellicose and dashingly propagandistic. The analytical component, through the efforts of T. Guzenkova and L. Reshetnikov who supports her, was leveled almost to zero.

On the other hand, dozens of notes went out about the need to form a combat pro-Russian underground in the Ukrainian rear, to send sabotage groups, to prepare for a dash to the south in the direction of Mariupol – Nikolaev – Odessa and to create a great 'Novorossiya,' including Transnistria, which, like Crimea, was to reunite with Russia. On the other hand, not a word was written about the possible resistance of Ukraine, the mobilization of the army and volunteer formations, about possible sanctions, their consequences.

The reaction of the USA and European NATO countries was not even discussed. At the end of October, Girkin (Strelkov), whom L. Reshetnikov repeatedly publicly called his friend, became a frequent guest at institute events. As the 'Novorossiya' project increasingly demonstrated its failure and unmanageability, and signals began to come from the Kremlin about its unreadiness to get involved in a full-scale war with Ukraine and carry out a dash through Mariupol to Transnistria... the expert guilt of the institute in the process of making (supporting) decisions that led Russia to a serious economic and international crisis became obvious.

...With the filing of RISI, the administration, and therefore the President himself, was actively instilled with the idea that:
– The states of the post-Soviet space are not full-fledged subjects of international relations. The very fact of their appearance on the world political map and further existence is no more than the result of the Russian catastrophes of 1917 and 1991, provoked by the enemies of Russia led by the USA. Their sovereignty is a temporary phenomenon, not deserving of serious attitude towards itself, a kind of historical misunderstanding that is subject to correction within the framework of the revival of the empire...
– The West is weak, cowardly, greedy and for the sake of oil and gas will swallow the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas just as it swallowed the military actions in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2008;
– Mass sentiments in the east, including in Kharkov and Mariupol, are aimed at reunification with Russia...
– By creating an alternative expert-public opinion and relying on employees of the special services of Ukraine, and now Belarus (for in any case, for Russian integrators, it is next in line), it is possible to create a strong pro-Russian movement capable not only of influencing public opinion, but also of changing the policy and leadership of these countries in the direction Russia needs.
– Ukraine is a quasi-state, and Ukrainians are a quasi-people, incapable of realizing a historical-political role. Only Russians are the only state-forming people in the post-Soviet space, which means that the only form of political existence of this space can only be the Russian Empire..."

On January 4, 2017, by another presidential decree, Reshetnikov was relieved of his post as director of RISI. He, however, remained a member of the scientific council under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, the scientific council under the Security Council of the Russian Federation, the public council under the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and became the chairman of the supervisory board of the Tsargrad TV channel, founded by the Orthodox oligarch Konstantin Malofeev. The new director of the institute was appointed former Prime Minister of Russia (2004–2007) and former director of the SVR RF (2007–2016) Mikhail Fradkov.

Institute of "honorary consuls"

During Vladimir Putin's presidency, the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Foreign Intelligence Service began to actively use the institute of honorary consuls. An honorary consulate is a type of consular institution headed by a non-staff honorary consul who does not receive a salary from the country that appointed him, but at the same time is in the state service of the country of destination. At the same time, the honorary consul finances the opening of the honorary consulate and the organization of its work and performs his functions on a voluntary basis.

An honorary consul as the head of an honorary consulate in the hierarchy of consuls is subordinate to the consul general or the ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary. In fact, this subordination is rather formal, because in practice everything boils down to the organization by the honorary consul at his own expense of one or two events in the consular district (this can be a city or a region).

What advantages does an honorary consulate provide? According to Art. 41 of the 1963 Vienna Convention, "consular officials are not subject to arrest or detention pending trial, except in the case of a grave crime and pursuant to a decision by the competent judicial authority." The detention of a foreign government employee is a violation of international law. Nevertheless, the personal inviolability of honorary consuls is not absolute and differs from the full immunity of staff diplomats.

The laws of some countries do not distinguish between honorary and staff consuls. And in some countries, honorary consuls are issued a diplomatic passport, which provides significant freedom of movement around the world and gives the right to import three cars into the country duty-free and register them to the consulate.

"Consular officials and consular employees, as well as members of their families living with them, are exempt from all taxes, fees and duties, personal and property, state, regional and municipal" (Art. 49 of the Vienna Convention). Income received from events held by the consulate is not taxed. After a certain period of time in office, an honorary consul can receive the position of honorary consul general and in some cases a second citizenship and a second passport for special services to the state.

Since honorary consuls are not prohibited from engaging in business, with skillful management of affairs, one can earn on trade and investment mediation, so an honorary consulate opens up great opportunities. For example, these opportunities can open access to the export resources of the country you represent and to its export quotas.

And then there are small things like: the right to have red diplomatic plates for cars and the right to park the car anywhere; exemption of consular premises "from all state, regional and municipal taxes, fees and duties" (Art. 32 of the Vienna Convention); the right to issue visas to persons traveling to the represented state and receive consular fees as income (Art. 39 of the Vienna Convention), an honorary consulate can perform notarial acts, perform the functions of civil registry offices and open tax-free shops at the consulate, and so on.

Russia uses the institute of honorary consuls primarily in the interests of Russian foreign intelligence, for agent penetration into the Russian-speaking diasporas abroad and the creation of new agent positions there.